Can Nigeria harness its political structures by intentionally including the women who represent half of its population? Out of 469 lawmakers in Nigeria’s National Assembly, only 20 are women . At the State level, 14 Houses of Assembly have no female members at all .
In a recent webinar I attended, Louisa Eikhomun-Agbonkhese, a representative from Echoes of Women in Africa Initiatives in Edo State, argued that “the extra seats for women are what we need now to overcome the discrimination against women in decision-making positions.” She mentioned that her chance of encountering a female parliamentarian is more likely through a television screen than within her own constituency. This point is underscored by the legal and political challenges faced by figures like Senator Natasha Akpoti, which illustrate how daunting the path remains for women in politics
However, not everyone agrees that the Special Seats Bill is the right solution. Ayisha Osori, a notable voice in Nigeria’s political discourse, recently argued in a piece titled ‘‘ No to the SSW Bill ’’ that if the Special Seats for Women Bill becomes law, it will not reform Nigeria’s political economy or improve the lives of the majority of citizens. “What we are up against in Nigeria is systemic,” she wrote. “And nothing short of uprooting that system will make a difference.”
Women make up just 4.26% of lawmakers in the National Assembly and hold only 4.5% of the approximately 991 seats across all 36 state assemblies. This low representation takes on even greater significance when contrasted with other major African nations. For instance, while Nigeria is widely regarded as the continent’s most populous country, nations such as Ethiopia and the Democratic Republic of Congo have adopted affirmative action models that have resulted in significantly higher female representation. Ethiopia leads with an impressive 41.3% of its parliamentary seats held by women, while the DRC has achieved 12.8%.
Despite its status as a leading political and economic power, Nigeria has lagged. However, the nation now has a crucial opportunity to change this story with the Special Seats Bill for Women , and the question now is whether enough people understand what is at stake.
The conversation has moved beyond basic awareness to a phase where fostering deep, evidence-based understanding is essential. Given the media’s power to shape public opinion and drive reform, it’s worth commending the journalists, commentators, and advocates who have consistently provided context and clarity on this landmark bill, effectively owning the narrative across platforms.
But this point was not reached by chance; It has taken years of advocacy, research, and persistence.
Leadership and advocacy at the forefront
The Speaker of the House of Representatives, Abbas Tajudeen and the Deputy Speaker, Benjamin Kalu, along with parliamentary officials, co-sponsors of the bill, and male allies, have supported multi-stakeholder advocacy efforts and facilitated the bill’s reintroduction to the 10th Assembly to keep it on the legislative agenda.
The Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC), where I work, has worked to sensitise lawmakers on models of seat reservation that reflect Nigeria’s political culture and promote legal frameworks that can pass and deliver real change. With growing advocacy convened by several women’s groups, media coverage of the bill has expanded beyond episodic announcements tied to public events.
Across Africa, several countries use an additional seats model, creating extra seats reserved specifically for women, without displacing existing members:
In Tanzania, women’s special seats make up 30% of the National Assembly, allocated to political parties in proportion to their general seats won. In Uganda, each district elects a Woman Representative to Parliament in addition to regular MPs. In Rwanda, 24 of 80 seats in the Chamber of Deputies are reserved for women, elected by electoral colleges. In Burundi, the constitution mandates at least 30% women in both legislative chambers, adding extra seats if needed. In Lesotho (Senate), certain seats are appointed with a gender quota in addition to elected ones.
These examples demonstrate that, when designed carefully, reserved seat systems can work.
A model of the cause
Hon. Kafilat Ogbara, a lawmaker representing the Kosofe Federal Constituency in Lagos State, is an example of how equal representation can work. Serving as the Chairman of the House Committee on Women Affairs and Social Development, Ogbara has actively championed women’s empowerment in crucial sectors, notably through initiatives that provide scholarships and training for women in technology, and by sponsoring a bill to increase the enlistment of women in national security agencies, including the police and armed forces.
These actions are not just social gestures; they are strategic investments in human capital that directly enhance national productivity and security.
Research from the World Bank and the UN confirms that when women participate in decision-making, countries experience significant improvements in economic growth, health outcomes, and social development. Nations with higher female representation in parliament are more likely to enact laws that protect women’s economic rights and enhance public services such as clean water and education, ultimately benefiting the entire population. An increase in the number of women in parliament can also lead to more targeted policies that result in more equitable and productive outcomes. This underscores the importance of creating a clear pathway for increasing women’s representation in legislation, as proposed in the Special Seats Bill.
The Nigerian pathway
The proposed Special Seats Bill would create 74 additional seats in the National Assembly and 108 additional seats in State Assemblies, establishing an intentional pathway for women’s political inclusion. This temporary measure is further supported by a sunset clause that provides for a review of the reserved seats provision after 16 years or four election cycles. Research by PLAC shows implementing the bill would cost less than 1% of the national budget and under 5% of the National Assembly’s budget. It’s a low-cost, high-impact reform with the potential to deliver long-term democratic dividends.
When the National Assembly reconvenes from recess in September, the Bill is expected to move to a critical stage that will set the tone for subsequent deliberations. The upcoming deliberations will shape the future of women’s enhanced legislative representation. Adopting Special Legislative Seats for women could signal more than reform but mark a pivotal moment in the constitutional amendment process, where representative structures are deliberately amended to include women. This would ensure that legislative representation reflects women’s enhanced presence and benefits from their contributions, advocacy, leadership, and decision-making.
